Stampa diskutim:KUFKOS: Dallime mes rishikimesh
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Eagleal (diskuto | kontribute) Nje modifikim i dyshimt |
Kosovo template |
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Rreshti 3:
Dje (31 Korrik 2007 22:39 UTC+1) nje perdorues ([[User:Bolonium|Bolonium]] - [[User talk:Bolonium|diskutimet]] - [[Speciale:Contributions/Bolonium|Bolonium]]) beri nje ndryshim ne harten, duke thene qe ishte sospekte harta ([http://sq.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Stampa%3AKUFKOS&diff=258081&oldid=251141 ketu]), une nnuk e ktheva sepse nuk e di esh me mire ashtu apo si e kishte bere Dani. '''Ju lutem ta kontrolloni'''.<br/>
''P.S.: Ky user kishte bere nje modifikim tjeter te nje harte tjeter. Tek ajo harta ([[Stampa:KUTIAKosova]]) kishte ezaltuar serbim, nejse harta ishte me mire me para, dhe u kthye.'' --<small><span style="border:1px solid #f00;">[[User:Eagleal|<span style="color:#fff; background-color:red;">'''Eagle'''</span>]][[User talk:Eagleal|<span style="cursor:help;color:#fff;background-color:#000;">'''al '''</span>]]</span></small> 1 Gusht 2007 11:42 (UTC)
== Kosovo template ==
In Chapter I, Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations, it is stated that “all Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.” The United Nations Charter guarantees the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states that are Members. The Charter also mentions that “the [UN] is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” Serbia, as one of the 192 Members of the UN, has the same rights as any other Member does. Forcefully taking 15% of Serbia’s territory would violate the main principles of the United Nations. Furthermore, another UN document confirms Serbia’s sovereignty over Kosovo. In 1999, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 which put an end to the NATO bombing of FR Yugoslavia and discontinued Serbia’s (Then part of FR Yugoslavia) governance over Kosovo, but also guarantees the “principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.” According to the Resolution, Kosovo is governed by the United Nations, while Serbia has nominal sovereignty over the province. In the preamble of the 1975 Final Helsinki Act of the CSCE, the declaration in the preamble guarantees “Sovereign equality”, “respect for the rights inherent in sovereignty”, “inviolability of frontiers” and “territorial integrity of States”. Serbia, as a democratic country in Europe, has a legitimate right to hold on to every part of its territory.
The constitution of Serbia, proclaimed by the Parliament of Serbia on November 8th 2006, defines Kosovo as a part of Serbia. More precisely, the preamble states that “the Province of Kosovo is an integral part of the territory of Serbia, that it has the status of a substantial autonomy within the sovereign state of Serbia and that from such status of the Province of Kosovo follow constitutional obligations of all state bodies to uphold and protect the state interests of Serbia in Kosovo in all internal and foreign political relations” Out of the 53.66% of those who voted on the constitutional referendum in Serbia (including Kosovo) on October 28th and 29th 2006, 95.9% voted in favour of this constitution. The democratic will of the people of Serbia is evident, and the majority of the population in Serbia consider Kosovo an integral part of Serbia. However, most of the ethnic Albanian population (who are a minority in Serbia) ignored the referendum, because they do not consider themselves as citizens of Serbia. Despite criticism of the constitution by the International Crisis Group, the European Union and the OSCE have endorsed the constitution. Regarding Kosovo, the constitution reaffirms the basic principles of international law, which prohibit the breach of territorial integrity.
Putting international law aside, the official Albanian position on the issue is that Kosovo must become independent in order to get out of the economic crisis and political and cultural isolation. It is "the only option for a politically stable and economically viable Kosovo," UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari, wrote to the UN secretary general Ban Ki Moon in March 2007. Ahtisaari’s plan seems to have the economic and political interest of Kosovo as a top priority, but the main focus of the plan is on the symbols and assets of a sovereign state: a flag, an army and the right to seek membership in international institutions. Serbia’s other province, Vojvodina, has a flag, and Kosovo doesn’t have to be independent in order to get a flag. NATO’s Kosovo-Force (KFOR) is providing security in the province, while Kosovo is already a member of all international institutions that Serbia is a member of. Every notion in the plan, except statehood, could be accepted by Serbia. It seems that there’s a different reason why ethnic Albanians in Kosovo yearn statehood.
An independent Kosovo would more be like a punishment for Serbia, rather than for the good of Kosovo, and that would have many negative consequences for the Balkans region. Most Albanians claim that the main reason why they want independence is because of the actions of the Yugoslav government in the 1990s led by Slobodan Milošević. But the war crimes committed by Milošević’s government are just one part of Kosovo’s history and when considering a region’s history, one must look beyond the last decade. In 1974, Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito gave Kosovo the status of an autonomous province within Serbia and Yugoslavia, a measure bitterly resented by Serbs to this day. When Milošević came to power, he took away Kosovo’s autonomous status and this infuriated the ethnic Albanians. They formed the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) that was engaged in terrorist attacks on Serbian civilians and Albanians perceived as being allied with the Yugoslav government. 14 This led to a major Yugoslav military crackdown which led to the massive displacement of population in Kosovo. Albanians believe that Slobodan Milošević was aiming at ethnically cleansing the province of ethnic Albanians, while most Serbs consider the crackdown a harsh response to terrorism. The Serbian Radical Party, led by indicted war criminal Vojislav Šešelj, supports this point of view and has gained popularity over the years due to their resistance towards the West. If Kosovo is forcefully taken from Serbia, the Radical Party will most likely win in the next elections in Serbia, which would be a great step backwards for democracy in Serbia. Serbia has extradited Slobodan Milošević, Vojislav Šešelj, and many other indicted war criminals to the Hague tribunal, and further punishing Serbia for its mistakes in the 1990s would not contribute to the stability of the region. Also, an independent Kosovo would denote the creation of a second Albanian state in Europe, which would send a signal to Albanians in other neighboring regions (such as Macedonia, where ethnic Albanian separatists have clashed with Macedonian law enforcement in 2001) to secede from the countries they’re in and eventually unite into a Greater Albania. All of the possible consequences would negatively affect the region, and that would greatly impact the international community.
There have been many ethnic conflicts in Kosovo throughout the 20th century and the situation we have today is largely due to the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from the region – granting statehood to the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, who attained their majority status by wrongful means, would be immoral. Antipathy towards the Serbian presence in Kosovo by the Albanian majority has existed ever since Kosovo once again became a part of Serbia in 1912. During the fascist occupation of Kosovo by Albanians, until August 1941 alone, over 10,000 Serbs were killed and between 80,000 and 100,000 Serbs were expelled, while roughly the same number of Albanians from Albania were brought to settle in these Serbian lands. Mustafa Kruja, the Prime Minister of Albania, was in Kosovo in June 1942, and at a meeting with the Albanian leaders of Kosovo, he said: "We should endeavor to ensure that the Serb population of Kosovo be – the area be cleansed of them and all Serbs who had been living there for centuries should be termed colonialists and sent to concentration camps in Albania. The Serb settlers should be killed." When Kosovo got the status of an autonomous province in 1974, it basically received almost all of the powers the rest of the republics in Yugoslavia had. This gave them the means to engage in a silent ethnic cleansing of Serbs in Kosovo. In a New York Times article published on July 12th 1982 (many years before Slobodan Milošević came to power) it is stated that “the exodus of Serbs is admittedly one of the main problems that the authorities have to contend with in Kosovo, an autonomous province of Yugoslavia inhabited largely by Albanians.” Regarding the Albanians that want to separate from Yugoslavia, Becir Hoti, an executive secretary of the Communist Party of Kosovo stated that ''the nationalists have a two-point platform […] first to establish what they call an ethnically clean Albanian republic and then the merger with Albania to form a greater Albania.'' In 1948, ethnic Albanians were 64% of the population of Kosovo, while Serbs were 24%. Today, Serbs make up 5.3%, while Albanians account for 92% of the population. The remaining Serbs and other non-Albanian minorities in Kosovo are living in enclaves, isolated from the rest of Kosovo and highly dependent on aid from Belgrade. They are mostly concentrated in the Northern part of the province, close to Central Serbia. Attacks on the minorities by the ethnic Albanians are regular and this is further driving the Serbs away from Kosovo.25 Even today, ethnic Albanian nationalists are threatening that if Kosovo doesn’t become independent, more violence is to come.
One of the main concerns of the Serbian government is the safety of Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo, because if Kosovo becomes independent, the basic human rights of the minorities in Kosovo, as well as the protection of their property and Serb holy sites, would be in question. Since 1999, the UN administration in Kosovo, as well as the Kosovo government, have been assuring the minority population that the Kosovo leadership will guarantee safety and human rights of all minorities and the protection of Serb holy sites. However, almost nothing was done to stop the pogrom of Serbs and other non-Albanians by ethnic Albanians that started on March 17th 2004 and lasted almost two days. According to Amnesty International, 19 people were killed and about 1,000 were injured while some 730 houses belonging to minorities, mostly Kosovo Serbs, as well as 36 Serbian Orthodox churches, monasteries and other religious and cultural sites, were damaged or destroyed. The UN did little to stop this conflict and it begs the question of whether the international community can keep a peaceful situation in Kosovo. If Kosovo becomes independent, the international community will have even less influence in Kosovo, which means that the minority population, their properties and Serb holy sites, would be at the mercy of the ethnic Albanian majority.
If we take all factors into consideration, including international law and the consequences of illegally detaching 15% of Serbia’s territory for the minorities, the region, and the world, Kosovo can't be independent. Such an act would disgrace the foundations of the legal system of the United Nations and would be in defiance of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999), as well as the 1975 Final Helsinki Act of the CSCE. Furthermore, the constitution of Serbia defines Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia, and confirms international law by stating that Serbia’s borders can not be violated. Kosovo seceding from Serbia would negatively affect Serbia’s legal and political system, but would also destabilize the region and set a precedent for the international community. Since the 2004 unrest in Kosovo provides an example of how the UN does little to protect non-Albanians in Kosovo, as well as their property and holy sites, an independent Kosovo would only make the situation even worse. The best way to find a good solution to the Kosovo problem is to negotiate a deal that would please both sides, the Serbian, and the ethnic Albanian. The government of Serbia is proposing a “Substantial autonomy solution”, which would give Kosovo the right to self-government - all of the inhabitants of Kosovo would have a right to elect their leaders through democratic elections who will be able to control Kosovo’s economic and political system, while Kosovo would officially remain within Serbia’s internationally recognized borders. An independent Kosovo would only further alienate the Serbs and ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, and disunity among the people living in Kosovo is something that should once and for all be a thing of the past.
P.S. Not to mention that Russia will veto any resolution 'till the end of time. So, there. --[[Përdoruesi:Bormalagurski|Bormalagurski]] 3 Gusht 2007 00:22 (UTC)
References
1 - Milosevic, Slobodan. St. Vitus Day Speech. Gazimestan, Yugoslavia. June 28th 1989.
2 - “Regions and territories: Kosovo.” BBC News. Feb. 2007. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/country_profiles/3524092.stm>
3 - Prof. Mertus, Julie A.. “Slobodan Milosevic: myth and responsibility.” Open Democracy. March 16th 2006. <http://www.opendemocracy.net/articles/ViewPopUpArticle.jsp?id=2&articleId=3361>
4 - Charter of the United Nations. Chapter I, Article 2, Principle 4. October 24th 1945
5 - Charter of the United Nations. Chapter I, Article 2, Principle 1. October 24th 1945
6 - United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244. Annex 1. June 10th 1999.
7 - Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Preamble, 1.(a) Declaration on Principles Guiding Relations between Participating States. Helsinki, 1975
8 - Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. Preamble. 2006.
9 - “Voters confirm new Constitution.” B92. Oct. 2006. <http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2006&mm=10&dd=30&nav_id=37645>
10 - “Serbia backs draft constitution.” BBC News. Oct. 2006. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6097344.stm>
11 - “Serbia’s New Constitution: Democracy Going Backwards.” International Crisis Group Europe Briefing Nº44. Belgrade/Brussels, November 8th 2006. <http://www.reliefweb.int/library/documents/2006/icg-srb-08nov.pdf>
12 - “Gallach: EU Positively assesses adoption of new Serbian Constitution.” Tanjug. October 2006. <http://www.mfa.gov.yu/Bilteni/Engleski/b021006_e.html#N4>
13 - Wood, Nicholas. “UN envoy calls for Kosovo's independence from Serbia.” International Herald Tribune. March 22nd 2007. <http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/03/22/news/kosovo.php>
14 - Farquhar, Michael. “KLA trial hears of “abductions”.” Institute for war and peace reporting. December 10th 2004. http://www.iwpr.net/?p=tri&s=f&o=163061&apc_state=henitri2004
15 - Taylor, Scott. “Macedonia's Civil War: 'Made in the USA'.” AntiWar. Tetovo, Macedonia. August 20th 2001. http://www.antiwar.com/orig/taylor1.html
16 - Djordjevic, Michael. “Toward a Greater Albania.” Editorial. The Washington Times. August 16th 2006. <http://www.washtimes.com/op-ed/20060815-094233-1617r.htm>
17 - “Kosovo would raise Republika Srpska to its feet.” Glas Javnosti (Belgrade daily newspaper). September 19th 2006. <http://www.kosovo.net/news/archive/2006/September_19/4.html>
18 - Karpat, Can. “Republika Srpska: “Should I Stay or Should I Go?””. Axis: Global Challenge Research. June 19th 2006. <http://www.axisglobe.com/article.asp?article=924>
19 - Krizman, Serge. Massacre of the innocent Serbian population, committed in Yugoslavia by the Axis and its Satellite from April 1941 to August 1941. Map. Maps of Yugoslavia at War, Washington, 1943
20 - Bogdanovic, Dimitrije. The Book on Kosovo. 1990. Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 1985. page 2428.
21 - Genfer, Der Kosovo-Konflikt, Munich: Wieser, 2000. page 158.
22 - Howe, Marvine. “Exodus of Serbians stirs province in Yugoslavia.” The New York Times. July 12th 1982: A8.
23 - Official Yugoslav census results. March 15th 1948
24 - Statistical Office of Kosovo census results. 2005. <http://www.ks-gov.net/esk/>
25 - Solomon, David. “Identity crisis: A briefing on Balkans key issues.” Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. Geneva, May 2001: page 23
26 - “The March Violence: KFOR and UNMIK’s failure to protect the rights of the minority communities.” Amnesty International. July 8th 2004. <http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engeur700162004>
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